[书摘]山河岁月 五四运动 [Book Notes] *Mountains, Rivers, Years and Months* — The May Fourth Movement
我觉得胡兰成像是个雅痞大叔,澹然地白描着自己的世界,那里充满「温润静好」,万事万物总让人「满是欢喜」。他的细柔敏感和心安理得常常让我惊讶。道德原则相比之下显得太过粗糙生硬,配不得他温润的风度。人多是偏倚私情的,更何况这样贴己的他,即便再为万夫不齿,也必有知心人挺力。
近日读山河岁月又被胡爷的文字惊艳到,讲西湖的花「开时似欲语,谢时似有思,都付与了迟日疏钟」,讲北上的学子「他们千里求学,跟名教授转换学校,不在乎文凭。他们的爱情像天上星辰的皎皎,他们的追求理知亦像天上星辰的迢迢」,讲「五四时代是中华民国要发生无数大事之前,酿花天气风风雨雨的豪华。」…木已词穷不知如何表达,遂将全章摘录在此。
五四运动起自北京大学,原本是政治的,但因黄河流域对这次城市新景气很少有份,其农村更在长期的破落中,且发生了大灾荒,北京的王气已黯淡,还不及满州生动泼辣,所以政治不能有声色,而只成了新文化运动。
且连这亦是靠有江南的读书人在北京,但随又转入了只是书斋里的明静,他们虽然喜爱希腊精神及莎士比亚,其实却是冷漠。
五四运动在广州又自不同。彼时第一次世界大战已在头一年终结,洋布进来闹败了纱厂,这对珠江流域的影响特别严重,因为此地前此景况好的时节,亦不及长江流域的来得匀,新虽新,却多有刺激性,现在更是震动不安,所以一经五四运动点着,广州就如火如荼,后来发展成了北伐。
但是鲁迅到了广州很失望,觉得那里的浪漫气氛太重。 鲁迅不满意北京,离开了去到广州,后来又离开广州,到底住在上海。
五四运动确是在长江流域最烂漫生发得好,彼时若不是此地的农村也破落了,五四运动在此地是可能发扬为第二次的辛亥起义那样,比其后珠江流域的北伐还有更好的政治作为的。
前此是太平军以来丝茶桐油所引发的城市与乡村繁荣,加上李鸿章张之洞以来的现代产业建设,使长江流域能有那样好的辛亥起义,但这次五四运动则惟乘纱厂所引起的城市新繁荣的尾声,所以在上海也只能是个新文化运动,不过比北京的更有世俗的热闹,比广州的更清明平正。
后来珠江流域的北伐是浪漫的知识份子领导破落农民,随即来了共产党的巫魇,幸而到得长江流域就清党了,否则北伐军将会像太平军的也覆亡,可惜北伐军不比湘军的有乡村的兴旺做背境。
长江流域是从清末以来成为华夏文明的王畿,此地的作风是湘军与辛亥起义这样的,如今虽然不能有北伐,但是校正了北伐,这与前此的校正太平军,皆证明是个澄清的力量,而五四运动亦惟在此地纔真是中国文明的全面开向现代西洋。
五四运动的发祥地北京大学,校长蔡元培先生,请教授可以不拘资格,对思想学术亦不以同异为爱憎。教授与学生彼此相敬,然而学生可以质问教授,教授对教授亦可互相批评责难,但不像其后中共的批评会或检讨会的埋伏杀机,他们而且公开抨击段执政,但并不像革命者那种穷毒。他们的活泼无禁忌是天人游戏。
当时北京各大学,上课像听演讲,教授亦来听,有名的学者讲学要以大礼堂来代替课堂,窗门口都站满听众。新出的刊物与书,青年争先买来看,好像早晨上街买小菜蔬果的鲜洁。他们千里求学,跟名教授转换学校,不在乎文凭。他们的爱情像天上星辰的皎皎,他们的追求理知亦像天上星辰的迢迢。
那时的青年喜欢西洋的科学与文学,而又喜欢子夜歌竹枝词与红楼梦。他们敬重哥白尼与达尔文,又佩服华盛顿与林肯,但因欢喜的东西太多,变得都只是好意,他们喜爱西洋,是爱的希腊精神,没有时间观念的。他们不大读历史,亦并不把西洋东西与中国的作有系统的比较。
他们嘴里说不满意中国,但是他们喜爱中国的日月山川,又敬重中国女子。他们更不去追究西洋最好的一面原来亦拖有阴影。他们看东西能够没有选择,好像雪霁日出,泥泞亦有清洁的感觉。
彼时我年十四五,在杭州中学校做学生,星期六下午没有课,日子非常悠长,如果不出去,一人在教室里用功,只觉校舍的洋房如理性的静,而理性到了是静致,它亦就是感情的流遍了。於是翻开英文课本来读,闻闻洁白的洋纸都有一股香气。
五四运动原为反对廿一条而起,那时的青年随即却说政治经济是浊物,连对日本亦不恨了,因为是这样的美景良辰,人世正有许多好事情要做。他们废弃文言要白话,破除迷信要科学,反对旧礼教而要男女自由恋爱。
民国初年上海杭州的女子,穿窄袖旗袍,水蛇腰,襟边袖边镶玻璃水钻,修眉俊目,脸上擦粉像九秋霜,明亮里有着不安。及至五四时代,则改为短衫长裙,衫是天青色,裙是玄色,不大擦粉,出落得自自然然的了。那时的青年是,男子都会做诗,女子都会登山临水,他们不喜开会,不惹群众,而和朋友或爱人白日游冶,夜里说话到雾重月斜。
他们轻易离家去国,无人可以责其负心,而去到希腊罗马或美国呢,希腊罗马美国亦像在贵客面前不可以诉说辛苦恩怨事,他们是到了哪里,哪里即呈吉祥,他们有这样的奢侈,连脂粉都怕污了颜色。
彼时我在杭州从表哥吴雪帆认识了几个他的同学与朋友,一个是修人,我没见过,但至今记得他的一首白话诗的开头两句:
腊梅花儿娇,
妻的心事我知道。
又一个是刘朝阳,还有崔真吾。
义乌青年刘朝阳,他为反对旧式婚姻脱离家庭,在厦门大学读数学天文,读一年要出来教半年书积蓄学费。 他有个爱人,三年了,年年为她来杭州。
五月的杭州紫气红尘,浣纱路上千柳丝,汲水洗衣的女子走过,有晴天的润湿鲜明,旗下包车叮噹,菜担柴担花担和露带泥。沪杭铁路城站的喧阗,如潮来潮去,亦如好花开出墙外,游蜂浪蝶并作春意闹。 西湖的水色淡素,白堤上寂历禅院无人到,栅门掩着,里边石砌庭阶,桃花李花都开过了,那花呵,开时似欲语,谢时似有思,都付与了迟日疏钟。
刘朝阳来杭州住在一家小旅馆,房里只有板壁,床与桌椅。板壁上日光一点,静得像贴上金色。床上枕被,因为简单,因为年青,早晨醒来自己闻闻有一股清香。桌上放着一部古版庄子,一堆新上市的枇杷。
他这次来,是和他的爱人说到了婚姻,女的欲待说出个什么条件,大约是问他婚后生活的保障,不料他登时就和她分手了。以前的仍是好的,而现在这样做亦没有遗憾。
刘朝阳后来当齐鲁大学教授,是中国有名的天文学家,其实当初和那女的说说,她也会肯的,刘朝阳却那样气大,那女的真是委屈,使人想起长恨歌的句子「宛转峨眉马前死」。二十年后中日战争终结时,我避难上海一家日本人家里,那家有个小女孩玩她的镜奁与锦盒子,见她把来拆毁,我不觉心痛,但因为她的世界里样样都是珍贵的,不拆毁这个又拣什么来拆毁呢?如此就想起刘朝阳。古希腊人不得完全,宁可没有,刘朝阳却是对於完全的东西亦可以一刀断绝,人世是无条件的,他比希腊的神还更喜怒无常。原来卓文君的诀绝司马相如,为妒忌负气只是个藉口,她是对於生生世世的爱也能没有吝蔷,可以忽然舍弃,而再见天地清旷。
这种骄,这种英气,是人生爱娇的奢侈无边,到了是无情的地步了。红楼梦里有个鸳鸯,她当自己是个最最无情的人,古之深情人常会忽然的像天道无亲,刘朝阳亦有这种心狠手辣。
崔真吾则是宁波章村人,也在厦门大学读书,跟鲁迅编朝花旬刊,又跟鲁迅转到中山大学,那时的青年千里游学跟先生,耽误了毕业连不以为意。他很理智,因为他的感情很健康。他和刘朝阳原来家境都很好的,崔真吾的父亲开轮船公司,但他亦因反对旧式婚姻脱离了家庭。
他有个爱人,但已许了人家,退不得,到底结了婚了,他却终不结婚,女的痛惜他,他亦仍旧敬重女的。那女的从广州回宁波,他千里送京娘的送她,路上给她抱婴孩,约定年年马樱花开时到她夫家的村子里去看她。
崔真吾姓的崔字就很美。他很会做事。暑假他回宁波,帮助种地的农民反对一位豪绅的垄断,官司打了几年,又发动农民焚香递呈,同当局请愿,纔得到胜利。后来他相信唯物论,只因唯物论的宇宙与人事他觉得有一种清楚乾净,当初反对豪绅,他原也没有着意於任侠,而后来做政治活动亦一般只是他的本性明朗正直。他仍旧遵守对爱人的约。
他又有个堂姊姊,人相很俗气,说话的声音又难听,崔真吾见她被夫家离弃了,带她出来谋事不成功,一直维持她。崔真吾是希腊的,而他这种姊弟之敬却使人想起中国的礼,礼是不问对方如何,而只尽我的美意。朋友们为了崔真吾,见到这位姊姊也只得忍耐,而且觉得人与人真是该有在妍媸之外的相敬的。
这崔真吾:后来是在广西被黄旭初杀了。故乡白云天涯,惟有村前马樱花,春来向行人烂漫发满枝,那楼头少妇,做做针线又停了,想起他,只觉人世悠悠无尽,而又历历分明。
我表哥吴雪帆,嵊县傅家山下人,也是要把父母给他定的婚约来解除。他父亲说、「这种话我是说不出口。」吴雪帆自己便去马岙村和女家的长辈言明,女家的长辈很看重他的,他们末了说:「可是不知道女子的心会怎样想呢?」
吴雪帆只得和那女子亲口说去,两人在楼上房里说了半天。乡下人从来没有这样的,家里人以为两人已经明白了和好了,听吴雪帆说要女的去读书,便欢喜答应。 那知吴雪帆是为使她思想可以开通,会晓得解除婚约於两人都是好的,并不是为嫌憎她。
吴雪帆送她进嘉兴妇女补习学校,暑假寒假接她回家,上船落车住旅馆,吴雪帆处处照顾她,敬重她,家里人看了两人信来信去双双行旅着实惊喜。
如此两年,女的毕业回来,两人到三界渡头,去家只有五里路了,她要在江边麦田塍上坐一坐,忽然流下泪来。她说:「你不用问,此刻我哭泣,心里很静的。」随即她收了泪,低头道:「你是待我好的,我做人也无怨了。学校里先生一次教唐诗,是「知君用心如日月」,当下我就想到你。可是读到下一句「事夫誓拟同生死」,我哭了。我没有这样的福。现在我想想,有第一句已经够了。我总总依你。」
说到这里,她又流下泪来,却抬眼向吴雪帆一笑,她坐在田塍上,一种谦卑柔顺都变得了是端正。她说:「世界上有一种东西,它是对的,它是好的,只因为它是这样的。此后我仍旧记得你,如同迢迢的月亮,不去想它看它,它也总在着的,而房里是我在做针线。我也不说谢谢你的话了,今日纔知道人世的恩情原来还有更大的。」
到家她就同母亲取了庚贴还给吴雪帆。
其后男婚女嫁,吴雪帆抗战时期死在严州,灵柩回里,女的去祭拜,似祝似诉的说:「十五年来我没有当你离开了呢,还是没有离开。今后的十五年或二十年三十年里,我也不去想像你死了没有死了。从前我从你知道爱不是顶大的,现在又从你知道生离死别也可以很朴素。今天来在你灵前的,仍是当年的马家女,此刻我哭泣,已不是人间的眼泪,你不用问,我也刚刚还以为自己是不会流泪了的。我给你上香,袅的烟是亮蓝的,我给你献茶奠酒,如同你对我的有礼意。」 祭毕,她和吴雪帆的夫人分宾主相见,又见了孩子,坐一回纔上轿走了。
五四时代的青年便像这样的是金童玉女。
而因是这金童玉女的清洁,所以有后来的反封建,并非中国真有西洋有过的那种封建社会。又因他们看西洋东西,还比西洋人自己所知道的更好,所以纔有资格责备西洋,而有后来的反帝。
五四时代是个分水岭,从此军阀要过时,国会的花要谢,从曾国藩李鸿章张之洞幕府以来的士,从袁世凯训练下来的新兵,都要让给新的知识分子与北伐革命军了。
五四时代是中华民国要发生无数大事之前,酿花天气风风雨雨的豪华。
AI-generated translation.
I think Hu Lancheng is something like an elegant rake of an uncle, casually painting his own world in plain ink-brush strokes, a world full of “warmth and quiet good,” in which all things let you feel “brimful of joy.” His soft sensitivity and untroubled ease of conscience often startle me. Beside it, moral principle looks too coarse and stiff to match his warm, polished poise. Most people lean toward private feeling, and even more so for a man who lives so close to himself — even if denounced by all, there will always be someone who knows him standing firmly by him.
Recently, reading Mountains, Rivers, Years and Months I was struck again by Master Hu’s prose. Writing of the flowers of West Lake, he says they “open as if about to speak, and fade as if lost in thought, leaving themselves to the late sun and the sparse bell.” Writing of students heading north to study: “they travel a thousand miles to study, follow famous professors from school to school, indifferent to diplomas. Their love is as bright as the stars in the sky, and their pursuit of reason is as distant as the stars in the sky.” Writing of the era: “the May Fourth era was the lavish blooming-weather of wind and rain, just before the Republic of China was to bring forth countless great events.” Words fail me; I will simply transcribe the whole chapter below.
The May Fourth Movement began at Peking University. It was political at its root, but because the Yellow River basin had so small a share in the new urban prosperity, and its countryside had been in long decline and had just suffered great famine, the imperial aura of Beijing had dimmed — not even as lively and brash as Manchuria — so politics could not give it colour, and it became only a New Culture movement.
Even that depended on Jiangnan scholars then living in Beijing, but soon turned inward into mere study-room serenity. They loved the Greek spirit and Shakespeare, but in fact they were detached and cold.
In Guangzhou the May Fourth Movement looked different. The First World War had ended the year before; foreign cloth had come pouring in and ruined the cotton mills. The Pearl River basin felt the blow especially hard, because even in its previously good years its prosperity had been less even than the Yangtze basin’s. The new was new, but always carried something abrasive; now it was shaken and unsettled, and so the moment May Fourth lit a spark, Guangzhou caught fire and burned, and later this grew into the Northern Expedition.
But when Lu Xun arrived in Guangzhou he was disappointed; he felt the romantic atmosphere there was too thick. Lu Xun was unsatisfied with Beijing, left it for Guangzhou, then left Guangzhou too, and finally settled in Shanghai.
It was in the Yangtze basin that May Fourth truly flowered with most abandon. If the countryside there had not also been in decline, May Fourth in that region could have grown into something like a second 1911 Xinhai uprising, and might have done even more, politically, than the subsequent Northern Expedition out of the Pearl River basin.
What had preceded it was the urban-rural prosperity set off by silk, tea, and tung-oil from the Taiping era onward, layered over modern industrial construction from Li Hongzhang and Zhang Zhidong onward — these were what allowed the Yangtze basin to produce so vigorous a 1911 uprising. May Fourth, by contrast, only caught the tail-end of the new urban prosperity stirred up by the cotton mills; so in Shanghai too, May Fourth could only be a New Culture movement, with more secular bustle than in Beijing and a clearer, more level air than in Guangzhou.
Later the Pearl River basin’s Northern Expedition was romantic intellectuals leading impoverished peasants, immediately followed by the witch-magic of the Communists. Mercifully, by the time it reached the Yangtze basin, the party was purged — otherwise the Northern Expedition forces would have ended like the Taiping forces. A pity that, unlike the Xiang army of old, the Northern Expedition forces did not have a flourishing countryside behind them.
Since the late Qing, the Yangtze basin had become the seat of Chinese civilization. The local style was that of the Xiang army and the 1911 Xinhai uprising. Although it could not now itself stage a Northern Expedition, it corrected the Northern Expedition — just as it had once corrected the Taiping forces — and proved itself a clarifying power. And May Fourth too, only here, truly opened Chinese civilization, on all fronts, to the modern West.
At Peking University, the birthplace of May Fourth, the chancellor Cai Yuanpei hired professors without restriction by background, and treated thought and scholarship without taking sides between schools. Teachers and students respected one another, and yet students could question professors, and professors could publicly disagree with and challenge one another. None of it carried the buried lethality of the later Communist “criticism meetings” or “self-examination meetings.” They publicly attacked the warlord premier Duan, but without the bitter venom of revolutionaries. Their lively unconstrained spirit was the play of heaven and humanity together.
In the universities of Beijing in those days, attending class was like attending a lecture, with professors also coming to listen. When a famous scholar spoke, you had to use the great hall instead of a classroom; the windows and doors were jammed with listeners. New journals and books were snapped up by young people the moment they appeared, with the freshness of buying greens and fruit at dawn. They travelled a thousand miles to study, followed famous teachers from school to school, indifferent to diplomas. Their love was as bright as the stars in the sky; their pursuit of reason was as distant as the stars in the sky.
The young of that day loved Western science and literature, and also loved the Ziye-song Bamboo-Branch lyrics and Dream of the Red Chamber. They revered Copernicus and Darwin, and admired Washington and Lincoln, but because they loved so many things, the love became merely warm goodwill. What they loved in the West was the Greek spirit — a love without any sense of time. They didn’t read much history, and they did not undertake any systematic comparison of Western and Chinese things.
They said with their mouths that they were unhappy with China, but they loved her sun, moon, mountains and rivers, and respected Chinese women. Still less did they pursue the shadows that lay even behind the best of what the West offered. They could look at things without judging, and as on a clear day after snow, even mud has a feel of cleanliness.
I was fourteen or fifteen then, a student at Hangzhou Middle School. There were no classes on Saturday afternoons, and the days felt very long. If I did not go out, I would sit alone in the classroom and study. The Western-style school building had the stillness of reason, and reason taken to that pitch of stillness was at the same time a flooding of feeling. I would open the English textbook to read, and even sniffing the clean foreign paper there was a fragrance to it.
May Fourth had begun in protest against the Twenty-One Demands, but the young people of that time soon said politics and economics were muddy things, and did not even hate Japan, because it was such fine bright weather and the world had so many fine things to do. They threw out classical Chinese and demanded the vernacular, broke superstition and demanded science, opposed the old rites and demanded free love between men and women.
In the early years of the Republic, women in Shanghai and Hangzhou wore narrow-sleeved cheongsams, a snake-waist line, with glass rhinestones along collar and cuff, fine eyebrows and bright eyes, with face powder thick like nine-autumn frost — bright with an undertone of unease. By the May Fourth era this had changed to a short jacket and long skirt, the jacket sky-blue, the skirt dark, very little powder, the look come naturally into its own. The young men all could write poetry; the young women all could climb mountains and approach water. They did not like meetings, did not court crowds. With a friend or a beloved, they would wander by day and talk by night until the fog thickened and the moon slanted low.
They thought nothing of leaving home and country; no one could accuse them of unfaithfulness. And to Greece or Rome or America they went; Greece and Rome and America, like an honoured guest before whom one should not pour out one’s hardships and grudges, simply receive them. Wherever they arrived, the place turned auspicious. They had this kind of extravagance — even rouge, they feared, might smudge the colour of their own faces.
At that time, in Hangzhou through my cousin Wu Xuefan I came to know a few of his classmates and friends. One was Xiu Ren — I never met him in person, but I still remember the opening lines of one of his vernacular poems:
The wax-plum is delicate and beautiful,
What is in my wife’s heart, I know.
Another was Liu Zhaoyang, and there was also Cui Zhenwu.
Liu Zhaoyang, a young man from Yiwu, broke with his family in protest at the arranged-marriage system and studied mathematics and astronomy at Xiamen University. He studied for one year, then went out to teach school for half a year to save up for the next year’s tuition. He had a lover; for three years running, every year, he went to Hangzhou for her.
May in Hangzhou: purple haze in red dust, a thousand willow-threads on Huansha Road, women carrying water and washing clothes passing by with the moist clarity of clear weather, the bell of a rickshaw under a flag, the clatter of vegetable-poles, kindling-poles, flower-poles, dew and mud on them all. The din of the Shanghai-Hangzhou railway station was like a tide coming and going, like fine flowers opening over a wall, with wandering bees and butterflies adding to the spring’s noise. The water of West Lake was pale and plain. On the Bai dike a lonely Zen temple stood with no one passing through, its gate latched. Inside, on the stone-paved courtyard, the peach and plum blossoms had finished blooming. Those blossoms, in their opening, seemed about to speak, and in fading seemed lost in thought, all given over to the late sun and the sparse bell.
Liu Zhaoyang stayed in a small inn in Hangzhou. The room had only board walls, a bed and a chair and a desk. On the board wall a single spot of sunlight, so still it seemed pasted on, golden. The bedding, because it was simple, because he was young, in the morning when he woke had its own clean fragrance. On the desk lay an old edition of Zhuangzi and a heap of newly arrived loquats.
He had come this time to talk with his lover about marriage. She had been about to lay down some condition — probably about how their life after marriage would be secured — when he, on the spot, broke it off with her. What had been good before was still good, and ending it this way left no regret.
Liu Zhaoyang later became a professor at Cheeloo University, a well-known Chinese astronomer. Truly, if he had simply talked it through with the woman, she would have agreed. But Liu Zhaoyang’s pride was that strong, and the woman was deeply wronged by it; one cannot help recalling the line from The Song of Everlasting Sorrow, “her delicate brows died turning before the horse.” Twenty years later, when the Sino-Japanese War ended, I took refuge in Shanghai in a Japanese family’s house. There was a little girl there who played with her mirror-box and a little brocaded chest, and I watched her dismantle them — I felt a pang, but in her world everything was precious; if she didn’t dismantle these, what else was there to dismantle? And so I thought of Liu Zhaoyang. The ancient Greeks, lacking completeness, would rather have nothing; Liu Zhaoyang, by contrast, could even cut down something complete in a single slice. Toward the world he set no conditions — he was even more capricious than the Greek gods. Looking back, Zhuo Wenjun’s break with Sima Xiangru was, after all, just a pretext woven from jealousy and pride; she too could renounce, without flinching, a love of many lifetimes, set it aside in an instant, and see again the wide clarity of sky and earth.
This kind of pride, this kind of heroic spirit, is the boundless luxury of life’s tender vanity, taken to a point that becomes ruthless. In Dream of the Red Chamber there is Yuanyang, who thought herself the most heartless person there was; the deeply feeling people of old could turn suddenly to “the way of heaven, no kinships left,” and Liu Zhaoyang had this same hard hand.
Cui Zhenwu was from Zhangcun in Ningbo, also at Xiamen University, and worked with Lu Xun editing Morning Blossoms Ten-Day Journal; he later followed Lu Xun to Sun Yat-sen University. In that era, the young who travelled a thousand miles to study under a master thought nothing of delaying graduation. He was very rational, because his feelings were healthy. Both Cui Zhenwu and Liu Zhaoyang had come from comfortable families — Cui Zhenwu’s father owned a shipping company — but Cui Zhenwu too had broken with his family over the arranged-marriage system.
He had a lover, but she had been promised to another, and the engagement could not be undone; she went through with the marriage. He, in turn, never married. The woman cherished him for it, and he kept on respecting her. When she returned from Guangzhou to Ningbo, he saw her along the way, like the legendary man who escorts the maiden through the long road. He carried the infant in his arms for her. They made an agreement that every year, when the silk-tree flowers bloomed, he would come to her husband’s village to see her.
Even his surname, Cui — that character is beautiful. He was good at getting things done. Over a summer he went home to Ningbo and helped the farmers oppose a despotic landlord’s monopoly. The case dragged on for years. He organised the farmers to burn incense and petition, to appeal to the authorities; only then did they win. Later he came to believe in materialism, simply because in materialism’s universe and human-affairs framework he felt a kind of clean clarity. In opposing the despot, he had never meant to play the chivalric knight; and later when he took part in political activity, that too was just an expression of his bright, straightforward nature. He kept his promise to his lover.
He also had a cousin, a sister-figure. Her face was rather common, her voice unpleasant. Seeing her cast off by her husband’s family, Cui Zhenwu brought her out to try to help her find work; when that did not succeed, he simply supported her ever after. Cui Zhenwu was Greek in temperament, and yet this respect of brother for cousin-sister makes one think of Chinese ritual — li, ritual, which does not look at what the other is like, but expends only one’s own goodwill. His friends, for his sake, had to be patient with this cousin too, and came to feel that between human beings there really ought to be a respect that has nothing to do with whether one is pleasing or unsightly.
This Cui Zhenwu: later he was killed in Guangxi by Huang Xuchu. In his hometown, white clouds over the far horizon, only the silk-tree flowers in front of the village, when spring came, bloomed in unrestrained brilliance for the passers-by on every branch. Up in her bedroom, the young wife would do a little needlework and pause, thinking of him, feeling that the world flowed on without end, and yet in distinct, clear detail.
My cousin Wu Xuefan, of Fujiashan Village in Shengxian, also wanted to break off the engagement his parents had arranged for him. His father said, “Such a thing — I can’t bring myself to say.” So Wu Xuefan went to Ma’ao Village himself to tell the elders of the woman’s family openly. They thought very highly of him. In the end they said: “But we don’t know what is in the young woman’s heart.”
So Wu Xuefan had to speak with the woman herself, in person. The two of them sat in an upper room and spoke for half a day. In the countryside no one had ever done such a thing before. The household assumed the two of them had reached an understanding and been reconciled. When Wu Xuefan said he wanted the girl to go to school, the family happily agreed. They did not realise that Wu Xuefan was doing this so that her mind could open, so she might come to see that breaking off the engagement was good for them both — not because he disliked her.
He sent her to a women’s continuing-education school in Jiaxing, brought her home at vacation, looked after her on boats and carriages and at inns, treated her with every kindness and respect. Seeing the two of them writing to one another and travelling together, the family was delighted.
Two years went by. The woman finished school and returned. The two of them reached Sanjie ford, with only five miles still to go home. She wanted to sit a while on the ridge between wheat fields by the river. Suddenly she began to weep. She said, “Don’t ask. As I cry now, my heart is very still.” Then she dried her tears, lowered her head, and said: “You have always been good to me. As a person I have no complaints. At school the teacher once taught us a Tang poem — I know that your heart toward me is as the sun and moon — and I thought of you at once. But when I came to the next line, I will keep faith with my husband, ready to share life and death, I cried. I have not had that kind of blessing. Now, thinking it over, the first line alone is enough. I will follow whatever you decide.”
At this she shed more tears, but lifted her eyes and smiled at Wu Xuefan. Sitting there on the ridge between the fields, her humility and gentleness had become a kind of uprightness. She said, “There is in the world a thing that is right, that is good, simply because it is so. From now on I will still remember you, like a moon high and far. I will not need to think about it or look at it; it will always be there. And in my room I will be doing my needlework. I won’t even say thank you. Only today did I learn that human kindness has, in fact, a still larger kind.”
When they reached home she at once took from her mother the betrothal slip and gave it back to Wu Xuefan.
Both later married others. Wu Xuefan died in Yanzhou during the war of resistance against Japan. His coffin was brought back to his home village, and the woman came to make sacrifice before it. As if praying, as if speaking aloud, she said: “For fifteen years I have not regarded you as having left me, nor as if you had not left. In the next fifteen or twenty or thirty years, I will likewise not bring myself to imagine you dead or not dead. From you I once learned that love is not the greatest thing; now from you again I have learned that separation in life and parting in death can also be very plain. The woman who comes to your altar today is still the girl of the Ma family of those years. As I cry now, these are no longer ordinary tears. Don’t ask — I myself had thought I would no longer be able to weep. I light incense for you; the curling smoke is bright blue. I offer you tea and pour wine, with the same courtesy you once paid me.” After making sacrifice, she met Wu Xuefan’s wife as a guest meets a host; she saw the children too, sat a while, and then took her sedan-chair away.
The young of the May Fourth era were like this — gold boys and jade girls.
And because of that purity of these gold boys and jade girls, there could later be an “anti-feudalism,” even though China had never really had a feudal society of the kind the West had once known. And because they saw Western things better than Westerners knew them themselves, they were qualified to censure the West, and so came the later “anti-imperialism.”
The May Fourth era was a watershed. From here on, the warlords would pass out of fashion; the flowers of the parliament would wither; the literati formed in the mufu private councils of Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang, and Zhang Zhidong, and the new troops trained under Yuan Shikai, would have to yield to the new intellectuals and to the Northern Expedition forces.
The May Fourth era was the lavish blooming-weather of wind and rain, just before the Republic of China was to bring forth countless great events.